Showing posts with label essays. Show all posts
Showing posts with label essays. Show all posts

Friday, February 28, 2014

What Ought To Be the Most Important Cultural & Political Issue of the 21st Century: Education

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“Verbal SAT scores in the United States took a nosedive in the 1960s, and since then they have remained flat.  Despite intense efforts by the schools, reading scores nationwide have remained low.”
- E.D. Hirsch, Jr.

“The ‘Dick and Jane’ and ‘run, Spot, run’ school of letters does not stir the imagination, and it imparts small apprehension of norms.  Apologists for this aspect of life-adjustment schooling believe that they are inculcating respect for values by prescribing simple readings that commend tolerant, kindly, co-operative behavior.  Yet this is no effective way to impart a knowledge of norms: direct moral didacticism, whether of the Victorian or of the twentieth-century variety, usually awakens resistance in the recipient, particularly if he has some natural intellectual power.”
- Russell Kirk
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Reading or watching the news is always a dismal business.  Recently, some of the most miserable of news stories have been those informing us of American education.  I believe this is true no matter what your political point of view.  Even if my own political persuasion were reversed in polarity, I still cannot see how I could rid myself of the growing sense that, in the face of what has really happened to U.S. education, so many of the education news stories that we are given are almost arrogant in their overt triviality.

Exempli gratia:

New Item #1: One parent, with the support of the Freedom From Religion Foundation, has lodged a complaint with the Los Alamitos Unified School District alleging that combining the graduation ceremonies of two middle schools into a 100,000-square-foot auditorium of a local mega-church (as the District has done for the past two years) is illegal on First Amendment grounds.  “By our public school choosing a church or a temple or a mosque or a synagogue, it’s then endorsing that church or mosque or synagogue, regardless of whether there’s a cross,” argues the parent.

The written complaint cites the Seventh Circuit of the U.S. Court of Appeals in a recent decision, Doe v. Elmbrook School District, which ruled that holding a high-school graduation ceremony in a church building is an “Establishment of Religion” because of the building’s “proselytizing environment.”  The court explained its reasoning as follows: “Regardless of the purpose of school administrators in choosing the location, the sheer religiosity of the space created a likelihood that high school students and their younger siblings would perceive a link between church and state.”

Obviously, Doe v. Elmbrook is now headed on its merry way to the Supreme Court.  Also, needless to say, given that they used the word “religiosity” to describe the atmosphere within the architectural structure of the average American mega-church, we can safely deduce that the honorable members of the Seventh Circuit have not personally bothered to venture inside one of these buildings in the last decade or so.

News Item #2: Charter schools have been, or ought to be, a healthy and competitive alternative to state run education.  Unfortunately, the textbooks being used by some charter schools are now actually being read.  For example, the Biology textbooks being distributed, to more than sixty-five school campuses across three different states, have just been reported upon in Slate magazine.  A few quotes from the school workbooks provide examples of the sort of “education” students are being given.  These workbooks don't just question the theory of evolution itself.  They also challenge things like the age of the earth: “Some scientists even question the validity of the conclusions concerning the age of the Earth.” and “How can scientists do experiments on something that takes millions of years to accomplish? It’s impossible.”

The history books aren’t much better.  A section on World War I describes the cause of the war as an “anti-Christian bias” that arose from the Enlightenment along with “the abandoning of religious standards.”  In describing one of the causes of World War II, the book states: “Following World War I, Japan attempted to solve its economic and social problems by military means. The Samurai, a group promoting a military approach to create a vast Japanese empire in Asia, wanted to expand Japan’s influence along the Chinese mainland including many Pacific Islands.”  Never mind that the Samurai were wiped from existence in Japan well before World War I ever began.

According to Slate, the actual History textbook in one Texas charter school is the populist A Patriot’s History of the United States (highly recommended by Glenn Beck) which teaches things like, oh say, how Feminism “created an entirely new class of females who lacked male financial support and who had to turn to the state as a surrogate husband.”

News Item #3: At Helen Hunt-Jackson Elementary School in Temecula, California, a first grade teacher tasked her kids with bringing something the next day from their homes to represent a family tradition and present it to the rest of the class.  Six-year-old Brynn Williams brought the star that had been placed at the top of her family’s Christmas tree.  When she began to describe how the star was “the Star of Bethlehem” the first grade teacher told her to stop right there, to be quiet and go sit down.  The teacher then told this six-year-old that she was not allowed to talk about the Bible in school.

The usual and predictable noise of culture war ensued.  Outraged parents complained to the principal.  The principal explained to the parents that the teacher was right because the school’s rules were designed to protect other six-year-olds from “being offended” by a presentation of anything religious.  Fox News quickly and humorlessly picked up the story and blew it beyond any sense of proportion.  Then, the number of people on both sides who suddenly became “offended” increased exponentially.

The manner in which this story was reported is telling.  No one excused the first grade teacher as having made a stupid mistake by being overly anal, instead she had to be (a) properly following a school policy that allegedly makes it Verboten! for six-year-olds to utter the phrase “star of Bethlehem”, or she was (b) deliberately attacking Christianity and the very foundations of this great nation.  No news reporter questioned the assumption that a six-year-old would be subtle enough to slip in a proselyting brain-washing gospel message behind her show-and-tell on why a bit of tin foil was stuck at the top of a tree.  No news reporter questioned the assumption that the other six-year-olds in the class would be sophisticated enough to notice and to be appropriately offended by such an obvious violation of separation of church and state.  No news reporter questioned the assumption that this was a story worth reporting as ... news.

News Item #4: On January 16, 2013, House Bill 1472 was introduced to the Missouri House of Representatives.  The language of the bill would require that all schools (public or charter) giving any “instruction relating to the theory of evolution” notify parents and allow parents the option of withdrawing their students from class whenever the aforesaid class would be teaching about evolution.

The sponsors of HB 1472 are trying a new angle of attack here.  Their past efforts at legislating “equal time” for the teaching of “intelligent design” in Biology classes have failed.  Virginia and Oklahoma both currently have similar bills before their own state houses.

If you follow education news regularly, you will already know that the teaching of evolution is still one of the hottest stories about our schools.  Anyone who thought that H.L. Mencken said what needed to be said in 1925 on the subject was overly-optimistic.  Rules, regulations and legislation is still regularly being proposed, fought over, passed, violated, enforced, appealed, overruled, modified, rejected and amended over whether school science teachers and books are allowed to, or must be forced to, print or utter words like “theory” or “generally accepted.”

If a foreigner tried to gauge what the biggest problem in American schools happened to be by sheer number of news stories over the years, the teaching of evolution and/or intelligent design would most likely be it.

New Item #5: Highlighting the difficulties with standardized federal test scores, the state of Washington’s waiver from the requirements of the No Child Left Behind law is about to expire.  No Child Left Behind required that federal funds be specifically allocated, between school districts and remedial programs, based on student test scores.  (The idea was to have every child at reading and math levels appropriate to their own grades, measured, of course, by standardized test scores.)  Washington’s state law does not currently comply with these requirements, which means that either (a) the state of Washington change its law, (b) the federal waiver already granted to Washington (once in 2011 and then again in 2013) be extended for a third time, or (c) the federal government begins mandating how the state spends allocated federal funds.

Apparently, Washington’s school “evaluation system” is only one year old.  State legislators want student test scores to be able to be used in evaluating teacher performance and they crafted their “new” evaluation system accordingly.  The U.S. Department of Education argues that No Child Left Behind mandates that student test scores be used to evaluate teacher performance.  State Senator, Steve Litzow, sponsored a bill modifying the evaluation system to make it comply with federal requirements.  Litzow said that he took out all the controversial language that he could from the bill so that the only difference between his bill and current state law was changing “can to must.”  His bill was rejected by the state legislature.  Senator Rosemary McAuliffe voted against it even though she had drafted similar legislation in January.  She explained that she changed her mind because standardized student test scores are only “dipsticks in time.”  “Our teachers and principals have built a very strong evaluation system,” McAuliffe declared.  “We need to quit changing it every year.”

Sadly for the entire state of Washington, if the federal waiver is not extended again by August, almost every Washington school will be required to send a letter to the parents of its students informing them that their school is failing according to federal standards.  The state of Washington would then be required to allocate federal funds to “off-campus tutoring programs for low-performing students.”  In his statement after a meeting with the U.S. Secretary of Education in order to obtain another waiver, Governor Jay Inslee declared: “there’s a possibility to develop a positive path forward that has a realistic chance of success.”



It is not a good sign that, when education is discussed and debated in the public square, these are the issues that attract the most attention.  Anyone who reads today’s education news should be able to see that there is a more important underlying problem.  In spite of how evolution is taught, in spite of whether casual religious asides are allowed or prohibited inside the classroom, in spite of the growing number of charter schools, and in spite of how much the federal government increases its education spending or even how strictly it attempts to enforce its most recently standardized test scores, the results of our current education system are still growing more and more abysmal.

The Current Failure of the U.S. Education System

Tactfully put, there were two major trends in American education in the Twentieth Century: (a) the progressive lowering of academic standards, for teacher training, university admission, and various bare minimum test scores, which then also concurrently developed along with (b) the steady plummeting of American students' test scores and literacy rates.  Bluntly put, Americans have been growing stupider and stupider over the last hundred years as the teaching in our schools has been increasingly dumbed down, and then dumbed down again, and then again, and etc.  (I do not make this claim out of condescension.  I include myself as one of the stupider Americans.  My own education and literacy is a joke compared to the education and literacy of any socially equivalent American of a century or more ago.)

The evidence is overwhelming and it has been noticed throughout the West, outside as well as inside the United States.  “Have you ever, in listening to a debate among adult and presumably responsible people, been fretted,” asked Dorothy Sayers in 1947, “by the extraordinary inability of the average debater to speak to the question, or to meet and refute the arguments of speakers on the other side?  Or have you ever pondered upon the extremely high incidence of irrelevant matter which crops up at committee meetings and upon the very great rarity of persons capable of acting as chairmen of committees?”  That the corroded quality of public discourse was noted in England in 1947 is almost laughable to us now, particularly to those of us who would give limbs for the kind of sophistication and intelligence that recordings and transcripts of public discourse from the 1940s so clearly evidence. But that is only by comparison to the bloated, blinkered, narrow and lumbering “discourse” that we are now treated to.  Sayers continued by asking: “And when you think of this, and think that most of our public affairs are settled by debates and committees, have you ever felt a certain sinking of the heart?”  I doubt Ms. Sayers could have ever guessed the level to which such a heart could sink to over seven decades later.  Sayers also attributed, and I believe rightly, the level of discourse in the public square to the level of education of that public square’s civil society.

In 1969, Russell Kirk reflected that a culture will always evidence the quality of its own education: “In [Orwell's] 1984, Winston can find only rubbish on what few shelves of second-hand books he encounters in obscure shops; nearly everything published before the Revolution has been burned or pulped.  The ‘democratic despotism’ dreaded by Tocqueville might accomplish, without formal political repression, the same result.  The content of ‘basic readers’ in American public schools, for instance, has become thinner and thinner during recent decades: the great authors are supplanted by trivia.”

Kirk’s reference to basic readers reminds me of David Mulroy’s complaint when comparing modern daily readers with older grade equivalent readers from as late as the nineteenth century.  In one popular intermediate reader, Higher Lessons in English by Alonzo Reed & Brainerd Kellog, first published in 1878, students are asked to diagram sentences like: “Of all sad words of tongue or pen the saddest are these: ‘It might have been.’” - Whittier.  “I fear newspapers more than a hundred-thousand bayonets.” - Napoleon.  “He that allows himself to be a worm must not complain if he is trodden on.” - Kant.  “It is better to write one word upon the rock than a thousand on the water or the sand.” - Gladstone.

Compare that with the sentences today’s students are asked to diagram at the equivalent intermediate level: “The red kangaroo hops.”  “A bright, colorful rainbow appeared today.”  “They washed and dried the sticky pots and greasy pans.”  “Aunt Amy and Uncle Andy sent their nephews, Bruce and Bobby, some cake and cookies.”  There does seem to be a difference somehow.

As early as 1977, a group of educators published The Test Score Decline: Meaning and Issues, discussing the noticeable decline in American test scores since the 1960s.  Two of the authors, Annigret Harnischfeger & David E. Wiley specifically analyzed the “alarming news of achievement test score declines” and explained how they had first tried to account for these declines by the tests and the tests’ standards themselves:

“In evaluating the findings, our first explanatory attempt concerned the measurement instruments that showed the declining score trends.  But we soon had to conclude that changes in scoring, scaling, testing conditions or test content could not explain the larger achievement decreases ... In general, test content changes might have to take responsibility for slight score changes, but they can definitely not explain the general phenomenon.  Some non-content, technical changes in tests worked in the opposite direction.  For example, we found that changes in two tests (SAT, PSAT) had resulted in scaling increases.  Thus, accounting for these would even augment the magnitudes of achievement test score declines.”

Changing the standards is certainly one way to ignore a decline.  In 1994, Charles Krauthammer reported in the Chicago Tribune of one instance of such a scoring tweak:

“The nation's SAT scores are going to be ‘recentered.’ ... When the modern SATs were started in 1941, the average score was 500. They have since slid 76 points in verbal and 22 points in math. Because ‘most infrequent users of the SAT expect the average to be about 500,’ explains the College Board, they tend to misinterpret the results. They think a 424 verbal is below average, whereas in fact it is today's sorry mean. We will now cure them of this debilitating misapprehension by ‘recentering’: By decree, every 424 turns into a cool 500.”

Rewritten and revised in order to make it appear as if the scores were not as low as they really were, American SAT scores could still at least have tolerable looking averages even after schools were failing to teach as they ought.  Discussing the decline in functional literacy among American students, David Mulroy explains as follows:

“The clearest evidence of a problem in language arts instruction may lie in the well-known decline in the nation’s SAT scores.  Both verbal and quantitative scores began to sink in 1963 ...  The average verbal score dropped over 50 points, from 478 in 1963 to the 420s in the seventies.  The quantitative score fell from 502 to 466 in 1980.  Subsequently, quantitative scores rebounded somewhat, but verbal scores stayed in the 420s.  In 1996, The College Board ‘recentered’ the SAT scores.  The average verbal score for that year, 428, was reported as 505; the quantitative average was changed from 488 to 512.  In 2002, the recentered averages were 504 (verbal) and 516 (mathematics).”

But one can only do this sort of thing so many times.  More recently, both national and international test scores are looking even worse in spite of the fact that the United States spends more on education per student than almost any other developed country in the world.  Deroy Murdock writes in National Review:

“As ... the Cato Institute’s Andrew J. Coulson irrefutably illustrates, the trouble with U.S. education is not a scarcity of tax dollars thrown in its general direction.  The spending curve of government outlays on K-12 education from 1970-2010 is essentially an upward-sloping 45-degree angle.  The curves representing reading, math, and science test scores are all 0-degree angles.  These commonly are called flat lines. For all the lavish expenditures that have been lobbed into America’s government schools, U.S. student performance is in its fifth decade of suspended animation.”

Look at recent numbers, The Washington Post reports that there is simply “no question that state spending per pupil has drastically increased since the 1970s.” And Education Week also reports that while test scores have fallen or remained stagnant, even adjusted for inflation, actual spending per student has radically increased.

Eric A. Hanushek, a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University, was interviewed and asked about what increased U.S. education spending has meant:

“When you look at what really matters — student achievement — then the country hasn't made much progress since the War on Poverty launched, Mr. Hanushek said.  He pointed to scores on the National Assessment of Educational Progress and international tests that, he said, show U.S. student performance remaining ‘pretty flat’ over recent decades even as K-12 spending has risen dramatically. What's more, he said, high-spending states haven't shown dramatically better student achievement progress than low-spending states.”

Colleen Casey analyzes the numbers over at the Wall Street Cheat Sheet, demonstrating that, at times, schools with more federal money did worse while schools with less spending per student did better:

“A comparison of standardized test scores between the top and bottom spenders – Washington, D.C. and Utah – results in an inverse of expectations. The National Assessment of Educational Progress (or, NAEP) is a continual assessment of American students. Uniform tests are administered, and results can be compared by state.  Utah, who spent the least in education spending in the 2009-2010 period, tended to score higher than the national averages, except in fourth and eighth grade writing. Washington, D.C. pupils had scores lower than the national averages. Utah has more schools and students, but fewer teachers than Washington. Even when federal revenues are added to the equation, Utah still spends less per pupil than Washington, DC.

The spending paradox is visible internationally as well. The United States spends more on education per student than any other developed country in the world, according to a report by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (or, OECD). The report pegs federal per student spending in the U.S. at about $15,171 per student. The OECD average was $9,313. Even with a hefty education price tag, students in the U.S. do not out-perform their international peers.”

If this is all overwhelming, things look even worse when we compare ourselves internationally.  The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development recently released their annual international report on education for the world’s most developed countries.

“Results relevant to the United States?  For the year 2010, we spent more than $11,000 per elementary student and more than $12,000 per high school student.  Factoring in other remedial, technological and vocational training, and the number rounds out to a nice $15,171 per American student.  This is more spent per student than any other developed nation in the world.  This is more than anyone else in dollars.  It is also more than any developed country in terms of the percentage of gross domestic product (GDP).  This leadership is money spent is then matched by American students consistently testing below the international averages in both math and language literacy.”

Not to be fazed by all this even a little, the current Governor of New York, Andrew Cuomo has, for example, called for increased spending on New York’s schools, including fully state-funded full-day pre-kindergarten and he has asked for the borrowing of another $2 billion to fund the upgrading of technology for his school districts.

Reprioritizing What We Think Is Important

What is perhaps one of the greatest ironies of all, any informative discussion of the current state of our education system causes the eyes to glaze over and the mind to retreat with boredom.  True education reform is simply not an issue that interests most Americans, nor do we consider it to be a top priority.  The extent of our lackadaisical attitude towards education can be measured by the fact that we have allowed our schools to reach the point that they have now reached.  But it can also be measured by actual discussion in the public square.

Looking at, by my count, one hundred and twenty-seven respectable public opinion polls on what Americans think are the most important political issues that our country faces going as far back as 2002 (and taken nationally by sources such as Gallup, Reuters, USA Today, CBS News, CNN, Newsweek, Fox News, The Wall Street Journal, The Washington Post, The New York Times, Opinion Dynamics, The Pew Research Center, NPR, etc.), the importance of education as an issue has been almost completely ignored or belittled for more than the last decade.

For instance, looking at the most recent twenty-one polls through 2012 that specifically asked Americans what issue they thought was the most important, only 7 out of the 21 polls included, or even allowed for, education as an option.  For example, a Gallup Poll conducted on June 20-24, 2013, asked the question, “Looking ahead, what is your greatest worry or concern about the future of the United States?”  Answers ranked as follows: The Economy first according to 17%.  The National Debt second at 11%.  Jobs & Employment third with 6%.  Wars fourth at 5%.  Healthcare and three other topics all tied for fifth place each at 4%.  And Education tied for last, along with National Security and Government overreach, each at 3%.

Among these polls, the best that Education placed in ranked importance was when CBS News conducted one from July 18-22, 2013, asking the question “Which one of the following do you think is the most important thing for Congress to concentrate on right now: the economy, the federal budget deficit, illegal immigration, health care, education, the environment, abortion, or something else?”  The Economy took first place with 40%.  The Federal Budget Deficit took second with 16%.  Health Care came in third at 15%.  And Education came in fourth place at 12%.

In the other five polls that mentioned education at all, it placed only at three and two percent.

In 2006, education reformer E.D. Hirsch, Jr., wrote:

“The public sees that something is badly amiss in the education of our young people.  Employers now often need to rely on immigrants from Asia and Eastern Europe to do the math that our own high school graduates cannot do.  We score low among developed nations in international comparisons of science, math, and reading.  This news is in fact more alarming than most people realize, since our students perform relatively worse on international comparisons the longer they stay in our schools.  In fourth grade, American students score ninth in reading among thirty-five countries, which is respectable.  By tenth grade they score fifteenth in reading among twenty-seven countries, which is not promising at all for their (and our) economic future.”

Let’s pause for a moment to consider what this means.  Most recently, we have seen education reform after education reform.  In the early 1990s, the Clinton administration promoted the fad of what they called “Outcome-Based Education” and legislation was passed to raise our schools’ academic standards and increase our education spending.  In 2001, the Bush administration worked out a bipartisan plan with the Democrats called “No Child Left Behind” and legislation was passed to raise our school’s academic standards and increase our education spending.  In 2009, the Obama administration advocated for what has been called “Race to the Top” offering $4.35 billion in federal grants to elementary schools that could show they had raised their academic standards.  Also in 2009, the “Common Core” federal standards were developed and they are now being adopted by almost every state in the union.  What have all these education reforms accomplished?

As far as any documented real-world results go, they have accomplished nothing other than the exorbitant spending of taxpayers’ money.  Nothing changed that the schools were not already doing before, other than making schools spend even more time trying to prepare students for the newly required standardized tests.  Meanwhile, our schools continue helping students test poorly and then graduating many who are still functionally illiterate, and more and more of whom require remedial math and English training and tutoring upon entering college or university.

I am reminded of the story that film critic Kyle Smith told about when the documentary film, Waiting for ‘Superman’, appeared in 2010.  He arrived at the movie theater only to see large groups of protestors outside “standing in circles chanting slogans,” holding signs and generally trying to deter patrons from entering the movie theater.  He discovered that the teachers’ unions had organized a protest of the documentary when he was handed a pamphlet entitled “THE TRUTH about Charter Schools in New York City.”  Upon reading the pamphlet, Smith wrote:

“Here is the first sentence:

Access to a high quality public education is not something that should not be won in a lottery — it is a most basic human and civil right.

I read the sentence four times. Did it really say what I thought it said? Did it use a double negative to aver that access to a high quality public education is something that should be won in a lottery? Yep. Think of all the effort that went into organizing, writing, editing, printing and distributing this leaflet. And no one along the line caught that error. Really doesn’t restore your confidence in the teachers’ unions, does it?”

As bad as it all sounds, the really frustrating thing is that none of the attempts to remedy the problem seem to be working.  In Waiting for ‘Superman,’ the toughest and most competent looking person working in education appears to be Michelle Rhee, who as appointed chancellor of Washington D.C.’s public schools.  As soon as she began firing incompetent principals and changing what was clearly not working, she faced an incredible negative publicity campaign launched by the teachers unions against her.  Ms. Rhee was then essentially kicked out, figuratively tarred and feathered, and then run out of town on a rail.

Even more frustrating are the reports of what the Obama administration’s latest “Common Core” standards really consist of.

On January 11, education historian, Diane Ravitch, who is a liberal, gave a speech heavily criticizing the new “Common Core” standards to the Modern Language Association.  In her speech, Ms. Ravitch sounded both fierce and passionate:

“George W. Bush’s No Child Left Behind and Barack Obama’s Race to the Top have combined to impose a punitive regime of standardized testing on the schools. NCLB was passed by Congress in 2001 and signed into law in 2002. NCLB law required schools to test every child in grades 3-8 every year; by 2014, said the law, every child must be “proficient” or schools would face escalating sanctions. The ultimate sanction for failure to raise test scores was firing the staff and closing the school.

“Then along came the Obama administration, with its signature program called Race to the Top. In response to the economic crisis of 2008, Congress gave the U.S. Department of Education $5 billion to promote ‘reform.’ Secretary Duncan launched a competition for states called ‘Race to the Top.’ If states wanted any part of that money, they had to agree to certain conditions. They had to agree to evaluate teachers to a significant degree by the rise or fall of their students’ test scores; they had to agree to increase the number of privately managed charter schools; they had to agree to adopt ‘college and career ready standards,’ which were understood to be the not-yet-finished Common Core standards; they had to agree to ‘turnaround’ low-performing schools by such tactics as firing the principal and part or all of the school staff; and they had to agree to collect unprecedented amounts of personally identifiable information about every student and store it in a data warehouse.

“No other nation in the world has inflicted so many changes or imposed so many mandates on its teachers and public schools as we have in the past dozen years. No other nation tests every student every year as we do. Our students are the most over-tested in the world. No other nation—at least no high-performing nation—judges the quality of teachers by the test scores of their students. Most researchers agree that this methodology is fundamentally flawed, that it is inaccurate, unreliable, and unstable, that the highest ratings will go to teachers with the most affluent students and the lowest ratings will go to teachers of English learners, teachers of students with disabilities, and teachers in high-poverty schools. Nonetheless, the U.S. Department of Education wants every state and every district to do it. Because of these federal programs, our schools have become obsessed with standardized testing, and have turned over to the testing corporations the responsibility for rating, ranking, and labeling our students, our teachers, and our schools.


“The Common Core standards were written in 2009 under the aegis of several D.C.-based organizations: the National Governors Association, the Council of Chief State School Officers, and Achieve. The development process was led behind closed doors by a small organization called Student Achievement Partners, headed by David Coleman. The writing group of 27 contained few educators, but a significant number of representatives of the testing industry. From the outset, the Common Core standards were marked by the absence of public participation, transparency, or educator participation. In a democracy, transparency is crucial, because transparency and openness builds trust. Those crucial ingredients were lacking ...”

Even if you believe that Obamacare is bad for the country, if it is really is going to hurt the economy as much as some economists say that it will, then we at least will still have a fighting chance to modify or repeal it, given the bad publicity that will naturally go along with its harmful effects.  But, if the curriculum of America’s schools has just been processed, stream-lined and standardized into a system that is even more incompetent than what we have now (and that has already been adopted by over 40 states with very little opposition), then we are going to irreparably damage an entire generation in a way that will not be able to be “repealed” after the fact.

Ms. Ravitch was able to spend some time studying the only results that Common Core has produced so far.  She continued:

“My fears were confirmed by the Common Core tests. Wherever they have been implemented, they have caused a dramatic collapse of test scores. In state after state, the passing rates dropped by about 30%. This was not happenstance. This was failure by design.

“Early childhood educators are nearly unanimous in saying that no one who wrote the standards had any expertise in the education of very young children. More than 500 early childhood educators signed a joint statement complaining that the standards were developmentally inappropriate for children in the early grades.

“There has also been heated argument about the standards’ insistence that reading must be divided equally in the elementary grades between fiction and informational text, and divided 70-30 in favor of informational text in high school. Where did the writers of the standards get these percentages? They relied on the federal NAEP—the National Assessment of Educational Progress-which uses these percentages as instructions to test developers. NAEP never intended that these numbers would be converted into instructional mandates for teachers. This idea that informational text should take up half the students’ reading time in the early grades and 70% in high school led to outlandish claims that teachers would no longer be allowed to teach whole novels. Somewhat hysterical articles asserted that the classics would be banned while students were required to read government documents. The standards contain no such demands.

“The fact is that the Common Core standards should never have set forth any percentages at all. If they really did not mean to impose numerical mandates on English teachers, they set off a firestorm of criticism for no good reason. Other nations have national standards, and I don’t know of any that tell teachers how much time to devote to fiction and how much time to devote to informational text. Frankly, I think that teachers are quite capable of making that decision for themselves. If they choose to teach a course devoted only to fiction or devoted only to non-fiction, that should be their choice, not a mandate imposed by a committee in 2009.

“In some states, teachers say that the lessons are scripted and deprive them of their professional autonomy, the autonomy they need to tailor their lessons to the needs of the students in front of them. Behind the Common Core standards lies a blind faith in standardization of tests and curriculum, and perhaps, of children as well.”


I am currently reading and conducting more research on the Common Core, so I will write on this in more detail in the future.  In the meantime, let us consider a simple proposition.



Proposition: at a fundamental level, if the education of a society is wrecked and remains wrecked, then nothing else that society does to save itself will matter.

Assume, for the sake of thinking about this, that you honestly believe the economy and job creation is the most important issue in the United States today.  What gives an economy an employable workforce?  Education.  What makes an economy innovative and productive?  Educated thinkers.  What assists those who do not have the skills to be employable to gain skills to be employable?  Education.

Let’s pretend that you understand how economics works better than anyone else does.  In a democratic system of government, you still have to persuade a majority of the populace that your economic understand is what will work.  You will have to use logic and reason to the voters that a particular economic plan will work best.  But what if they have trouble following a line of reasoning?  What if discourse has devolved to the point that reasonable explanations and thoughtful, careful arguments are ignored because no one understands them?  What if the average voter is no longer literate enough to be able to follow a line of economic reasoning?  Then nothing else matters.  The public will have to be educated first before anything else will happen.  (Assuming, still, that you live in a democratic system.)

This applies no matter what your favorite or most hallowed political issue happens to be.  It doesn't matter whether you believe that the national debt, national security, foreign policy, heath care, abortion, family values, social justice, social security, partisan politics or even corroded ideological narrow-minded bigotry is the issue that our country and government most needs to deal with.  If the public is growing less and less educated, then reasoned discourse is going to grow less and less reasoned.  If the voter is less literate, then he is not going to follow complicated reasoning.  Simplistic rather than complex solutions will appeal to him.  Magical solutions will be more convincing that practical or realistic ones.

Journalism will devolve into entertainment and ideological hacks shouting at each other.  Public debate will deteriorate into the equivalent of a grade school level sort of discourse that occurs when bullies fight over lunch money.  The more thought, time, research and reasoning that you invest into explaining what you believe is most important, the less anyone will understand you or care to listen to you.

If all this is true, then how can education not be the most important issue we are now facing?

Further Evidence That The Problem Is Serious

There are many more examples, but I will focus upon only one more for the purposes of this essay.  Consider once more the falling verbal scores and literacy of American students today.  What if I told you that there is a century old organization of English teachers (the largest organization of its kind) that claims to be devoted to promoting literacy in the United States?  Founded in 1911, the National Council of Teachers of English (NCTE), has over eighty-thousand members and every year releases numerous publications about teaching.  Consequently, the NCTE exerts great influence over both the content and procedures of English teaching in the United States.

And, then, what if I told you that the NCTE, the organization devoted to promoting literacy for American students, has spent decades convincing teachers to no longer formally teach English grammar?

That’s right.  The largest organization of English teachers, devoted to promoting literacy in the United States, argues against teaching English grammar.

In his 2003 book, The War Against Grammar, David Mulroy writes:

Monday, November 25, 2013

Reflections on Being an Army Veteran in the 21st Century

_____________________________________

“What life to lead and where to go
After the War, after the War?
We'd often talked this way before.
But I still see the brazier glow
That April night, still feel the smoke
And stifling pungency of burning coke.
I'd thought: ‘A cottage in the hills,
North Wales, a cottage full of books,
Pictures and brass and cosy nooks
And comfortable broad window-sills,
Flowers in the garden, walls all white.
I'd live there peacefully and dream and write.’ ...”
- Robert Graves, 1916

“The people of England have been led in Mesopotamia into a trap from which it will be hard to escape with dignity and honour. They have been tricked into it by a steady withholding of information. The Baghdad communiques are belated, insincere, incomplete. Things have been far worse than we have been told, our administration more bloody and inefficient than the public knows. It is a disgrace to our imperial record, and may soon be too inflamed for any ordinary cure. We are today not far from a disaster.”
- T.E. Lawrence, 1920
_____________________________________

(Note: This meandering and rather lengthy essay is written primarily to my fellow alumni from Patrick Henry College.  It was produced by request for the November 2013 Issue of the Patrick Henry College Alumni Newsletter.  The editor who honored me with the request said that the word count did not matter.  His primary mistake was that he rather carelessly told this to a very undisciplined writer.  This is the first time I’ve ever written or said anything officially to my fellow graduates and alumni.  It is also only the second time that I’ve written anything that discussed being in Iraq.)

It still sounds strange for me to say this.  I am a veteran of the Iraq war.  I was deployed for one year, from 2006 to 2007, to active duty as a member of the U.S. Army Reserves.  When I arrived in Iraq, the new government had just taken office and the insurgency was on the upswing.  I was there right before the troop surge of 2007 and I was there at the time that Saddam Hussein was executed.

I was proud to serve in the 298th Transportation Company, United States Army Reserves, with a number of brave and selfless men and women who I watched risk their lives daily and selflessly.  When our gun truck platoon was told that it would be spending a year guarding and driving gasoline tankers up and down the country across the roads of Iraq, I watched my friends shrug it off with a sangfroid worthy of their American ancestry.  It reminded me of a story I once heard William F. Buckley tell about a general, trying on one rare occasion, as officers sometimes awkwardly do, to make conversation with the enlisted men during a spit-‘n-polish inspection.  “Why do you like to do such an insane thing like jumping out of an airplane?” he asked a nearby paratrooper.  “Oh, I don’t like to, sir.  I hate it every single jump. It scares the hell out of me,” the paratrooper replied.  “Then why on earth do you do it?”  The answer goes a long way to explaining how many veterans feel about each other.  “I do it,” the paratrooper replied, “because I just like to be around the sort of people who like to jump out of airplanes.”

It is now a running joke that, whenever asked by some new acquaintance who has discovered for the first time that I was in the war, I’ll answer by boasting I was given the distinct privilege of being shot at inside the city of Nineveh.  But that isn’t quite true.  The hostile city I experienced, which possessed a seemingly infinite number of enemy roadblocks making it a pain in the rear to drive through, was Mosul.  Mosul is actually built upon the ancient ruins of Nineveh along the Tigris river.  Jonah notwithstanding, if there is anything the people of that city have yet to “repent” of, it is their enthusiasm for making it extremely uncomfortable for any westerners who should dare to venture inside their walls.

Our platoons took turns going out on missions.  Some missions lasted for a couple hours.  Some missions lasted for sixteen hours or more.  It became so commonplace for IEDs to explode in or on the side of the road every single mission, that their blowing holes in the road just became humdrum routine.  Eight times out of ten, they missed us.  Once out ten, they would manage merely to send shrapnel through the tires of our vehicles.  So I saw a little action over there.  Yet my company and I were blessed.  We all made it.  I made some other friends outside my own company.  A few of them went out on missions and never came back.

It was the sort of thing we talked about - the possibility of not making it back.  But it was too easy to reassure ourselves because of who we were and where we were from.  We’d continually compare the action that we’d seen to the action that our fathers, uncles and grandfathers had seen.  (I have one uncle who made it back from Vietnam and one great-uncle who didn’t.  I am also very proud of the fact that both of my grandfathers served with distinction in the Pacific theater of WWII.)  The “combat” we were experiencing in Iraq was nothing compared to what the men in past generations had seen and suffered through in other wars.  How on earth could we complain about what we were seeing once we compared ourselves to them?

I will never forget attending Patrick Henry College on September 11, 2001. The whole school shut down that day.  All our classes were very solemn and full of continual prayer for weeks afterward.  It was seared into our minds that we were now living in a new world, different from anything our country had ever experienced before.  Grief was first above all else.  But the next feeling was one of profound frustration.  I had already resolved, as a matter of family tradition, to serve in the Army.  But there is a strong sense in which, no matter how you are working in academics or politics, you can often feel like you aren’t doing anything that really matters. After graduating in the first graduating class, I walked off the platform in May of 2002 straight into boot camp.  My degree at Patrick Henry helped secure my acceptance to George Mason University School of Law.  I was never going to pursue a military career, but I was obligated, like so many of my historical heroes, to still participate in my generation’s war.

Neither will I forget the international relations and foreign policy classes I attended at PHC.  It was at our school that I first thoroughly studied and learned how empires have risen and fallen over the course of history.  It was at our school that I realized that there are lessons, even in the Peloponnesian War of the 400s BC, that still contain matters of great importance for us now.  Because I attended our school, I knew when I trod the desert sands of Iraq that others who believed in the principles of Western Civilization had trod them before me.  I experienced some unpleasantness there.  But so did Xenophon and his fellow Greek hoplites, outnumbered by tens of thousands of Persians, after they held back their enemy in the Battle of Cunaxa and then, leaderless, had to fight their way over a thousand miles back to the Black Sea.

It makes being in a foreign land and fighting what seems like a confused war far more meaningful if you pay attention to military history.  It turns out, I was fighting in merely one of a long series of conflicts between the East and the West.  I was in the same troubled country that had once been conquered by Alexander the Great.  The consequent Greco-Persian wars covered five decades.  It was a land that was later part of the Parthian Empire, conquered by Rome, established as a province by Trajan, evacuated as a province by Hadrian, and conquered again by the Roman general, Lucius Verus.  The Roman-Persian wars lasted for over seven centuries, as Roman legions did something very similar to what American troops were doing for the last decade.  The Crusaders of the Medieval Ages fought in what are now the cities of Iraq.  The Ottoman Empire was in conflict with the West for over six centuries. The British had to fight the Ottoman Central Powers there during World War I, and then they tried to keep order, often bungling it for which T.E. Lawrence so eloquently took them to task.

Western armies have entered the Middle East, defeated the enemy and then sat around superfluously until they eventually retreated over and over again.  It is useless to criticize American involvement in the Middle East without studying this history.  Asking why we were in Iraq is a question that cannot be satisfactorily answered without asking why East and West have been in conflict since antiquity.

My understanding of why I was there changed permanently when I made friends with an Iraqi.  For purposes of this essay, I’ll call him Zaid instead of his real name.  Zaid worked on a U.S. Army base, providing information regarding local cities to us despite death threats that had been made against him and his family.  He told me about how excited he still was about voting in the last Iraqi parliamentary election.  Al-Qaeda had threatened to attack the polling booths and then demonstrated that they were not bluffing, killing and bombing would-be voters standing in line across the country.  Knowing that this was happening, Zaid and his wife stood in line waiting to vote for over four hours.  When I asked him why, he gave me an answer that I will never forget: “We have never NEVER had real elections before.  We want to be different now and voting has changed us forever.”  In other words, for thousands of years, the people there have never before possessed self-government.  Now, at least, they have a beginning.

But this isn’t to say that we should expect them to be just like us.  “We ought not to be surprised,” wrote Russell Kirk, “that men and nations resist desperately - often unreasoningly - any attempt to assimilate their character to that of some other body social.  This resistance is the first law of their being, extending below the level of consciousness.  There is one sure way to make a deadly enemy; and that is to propose to anyone, ‘Submit yourself to me, and I will improve your condition by relieving you from the burden of your peculiar identity and reconstituting your substance in my image.”  The East has a great richness of culture, art, religion and wisdom.  Much of this historical richness has been destroyed by radical Islam, but we have to understand how influences from the West have been destroying it too.

Archie Roosevelt, in his 1988 book, For Lust of Knowing: Memoirs of an Intelligence Officer, wrote that in “Baghdad and Tehran the charms of the old Islamic cities were losing the battle to the banalities of secondhand Western modernity.”  Roosevelt worked for years in the Middle East, and he described how in many cities there, “hordes of automobiles, squeezed together by rush-hour jams and traffic lights” had crowded out the very existence of local communities.  Families were being broken apart as individual family members take “employment as guards, taxi drivers, and members of the lower scale bureaucracy.”  A new technocratic elite is increasingly regulating the lives of local communities and families, and this kind of organization has been ushered in by Western influence.  Commercialization is entering the Middle East.  When I was there, I watched the number of McDonalds’s and Burger Kings that were setting up in Iraqi cities double in number.  These are not necessary accoutrements to self-government.

One of the reasons I decided to serve in the U.S. military was because I learned at our school that it was precisely the military experience of some of our founding fathers that gave them insights into the reality of how government worked.  Washington and Hamilton both had learned, firsthand, how the powers of a Confederate Congress worked when they attempted to obtain financial and logistical support for the army during the Revolutionary War.  It is no coincidence that the institutions and limitations of our constitutional order was designed by many men who learned practical political lessons by their experience in war.  You can even see it at the Constitutional Convention.  The voices of those who only sat in political office during the war ring with a different tone in the debates than the more urgent voices of those who personally fought in the war.

So how, as a veteran, is my point of view now different?

I’d confess that, because of my experience, there are some ways in which my point of view should carry less weight.  I’d also argue there are ways in which it should carry more.

In order that you may know how to take a veteran’s point of view cautiously, let’s first consider the disadvantages of being a veteran.  There is a real sense in which life in the military is unhealthy for the soul.  I didn’t go through any greatly tragic or searing experiences that many other of my fellow service members went through.  I don’t have post-traumatic stress disorder.  But those problems aside, military life and war still influence the participant unhealthily.  In the training process, mentally you have to steel yourself against feeling.  After experiencing a combat environment where you could endanger the lives of your friends by making even one single tiny mistake, after living in a state of constant vigilance and lack of security every day for a year, you develop mental habits that are not always going to be desirable in civilian life.

I believe in the faculty of free will and I believe influences do not impare one’s will.  I am still morally culpable for every choice that I’ve made.  But that does not change the fact that, since my military service, I now lack empathy in a way that I didn’t before.  Empathy is one of the basic requirements for close personal relationships, but my experience has roughened (or corroded) my ability to relate to others as Christianity teaches I ought.  This is an advantage in emergencies.  Everyone else around me can be upset, stressed out or even shouting, and I will stay utterly calm, ready to act with ruthless efficiency despite the feelings in the room.  It is often a disadvantage at being a human being.  My personal relationships with friends and family have suffered because of this.  There was, for example, a lovely young lady that I was growing closer to before I left for Iraq.  It sounds too dramatic to say that the deployment changed who I was.  The alterations were often small, gradual and subtle.  But I grew less empathetic, more callous, and even more coarse, towards her.  She noticed and rightly drew away.

My faults are my own, but I can also see how being a veteran has decreased my own personal responsibility.  When you live for an extended period of time doing a job that is literally a matter of life and death, when you have watched other people at the very moment when they deliberately try to kill you, when you have ducked so as not to be torn in half by gunfire, it is often very difficult to view other less demanding things in life as priorities.  I now work in the law.  There is occasionally a “crisis” at my office concerning what we’ll call the filing of paperwork.  I simply cannot feel any sense of urgency about paperwork.  I happily work hard at things.  I’m willing to commit to finishing things.  But the excitement or the adrenaline rush I used to feel in accomplishing simple workday tasks under pressure is now gone.  I’ve talked to other veteran friends and they’ve said they share this same problem.  Basic adult responsibilities have been neglected in my life as a result of this attitude.  If you happen to know other veterans who have seen combat, understanding this about them will do much to your understanding why they sometimes act the way they do.

Sunday, November 3, 2013

On Houses Divided vs. Houses That Need Cleaning

On October 28, 2013, Ramesh Ponnuru & Rich Lowry posted an essay over at National Review analyzing the fallout from this whole sordid government shutdown business.  The essay is full of a number of well-timed common sense tactical observations.  Summing it up, Lowry & Ponnuru strongly denounce the blind insistence upon ideological purity that leads to much strutting and fretting upon the media stage, but inevitably ends like a tale told by an idiot, full of sound and fury, signifying nothing.  This essay is the sort of thing that conservatives are strangely somehow in great need of today.  Over recent years, it has not been exactly clear just how many conservatives there are for whom the word “tactical” is included in their vocabulary.

It is quite refreshing that Lowry & Ponnuru do not mince words.  The problem is basic: there is a kind of politics that ought to have no place in conservatism.  Furthermore, this insight is not new.  The government shutdown was only the most recent instance of what keeps happening when one particular faction of the Republican Party controls the leadership:

“[The government shutdown] was the latest and most consequential expression of an apocalyptic conservative politics. It is a politics of perpetual intra-Republican denunciation. It focuses its fire on other conservatives as much as on liberals. It takes more satisfaction in a complete loss on supposed principle than in a partial victory, let alone in the mere avoidance of worse outcomes. It has only one tactic — raise the stakes, hope to lower the boom — and treats any prudential disagreement with that tactic as a betrayal. Adherents of this brand of conservative politics are investing considerable time, energy, and money in it, locking themselves in unending intra-party battle.” [emphasis added]

Thus, strategically, the insistence upon ideological purity is one of the best plans for guaranteed failure.  In the real world, refusal to compromise nets zero results.  It also strips away all those who would have agreed with a primary position, merely because they aren’t interested in taking such a position all the way to its nth-most extreme.  This shrinks what often is already a minority, burns bridges, and encourages the desertion of many natural allies from the ranks.

“An emphasis on purity — even when defined essentially by matters of style and attitude rather than policy views — has too often kept such allies out of power. It has led Republican primary voters on several occasions to choose candidates who lost races that mainstream conservatives would likely have won. William F. Buckley Jr. said that conservatives should support the rightwardmost viable candidate, with viability understood to include the ability to make the case for conservatism in a way voters will find compelling. For the purists, viability is an unacceptable compromise. Which leads us to such candidates as Sharron Angle ... National Review joined the purists in supporting Richard Mourdock in Indiana, too, and that turned out to be a mistake. Too many conservatives have not admitted it or drawn appropriate conclusions.”

Don't forget both Christine O’Donnell and Ken Buck (who all but gift-wrapped Senate seats for the Democrats).  If conservatives are not careful, the 2014 elections (traditionally favorable to the party outside the White House) may cause more harm than good.  There is evidence that has been piling up over the years that Tea Party candidates who win in the primaries very often give up elections to the Democrats even in districts that have Republican majorities.  This can only mean that there is something defective about certain types of candidates.  (There are many who learned this long ago in elementary school.)

Lowry & Ponnuru’s warnings here are timely and much needed.  There is currently a strategic problem among conservative leadership, and recent failure has been based upon some fundamentally false assumptions:

“The key premise that has been guiding these conservatives, however, is mistaken. That premise is that the main reason conservatives have won so few elections and policy victories, especially recently, is a lack of ideological commitment and will among Republican politicians. A bigger problem than the insufficient conservatism of our leaders is the insufficient number of our followers. There aren’t enough conservative voters to elect enough officials to enact a conservative agenda in Washington, D.C. — or to sustain them in that project even if they were elected. The challenge, fundamentally, isn’t a redoubling of ideological commitment, but more success at persuasion and at winning elections.” [emphasis added]

Unfortunately, Lowry & Ponnuru can’t even make common sense warnings of this sort without being attacked - and the attacks derive from within their own camp.  On October 29th, editor-in-chief of RedState.com, Erick Erickson, tore into National Review for even making this argument in the first place.  Unlike more traditional online conservative writers (see Ross Douthat, Rod Dreher or Alan Jacobs), Erickson appears to represent a new and popular brand of “conservative” that is currently more trendy these days over at CNN and FoxNews.  RedState.com was launched in 2004.  Erickson is also a radio talk-show host not known for temperance at, as Buckley used to say, “the rhetorical or bombastic level.”  To see the rather disconcerting nature of his rhetoric, all you have to do is listen to Erickson actually talk for a couple minutes anywhere on the news or on youtube.

Mr. Erickson’s counterpoints to Lowry & Ponnuru's essay demonstrate a profound unfamiliarity with traditional conservative thought.  He attempts to back up his first point by referring to Buckley’s 1955 mission statement for National Review, noting that Buckley “did not mention winning elections” and that, instead, Buckley encouraged “standing athwart history yelling stop.”  First, it is not entirely clear if Mr. Erickson understands that Buckley’s language was intended to be taken metaphorically rather than literally.  As one continues to read Mr. Erickson, one comes away from his writing with the distinct impression that actually “yelling stop” may be one of his preferred methods of debate over at RedState.com.  Secondly, reading his attempt to argue that it is meaningful that Buckley did not mention winning elections in one notable column, one can only conclude either (a) that Mr. Erickson has not really read much of Buckley, or (b) that he decided to deliberately ignore what Buckley actually did say about winning elections.

When asked who are the best types of candidates that a conservative should support, Buckley replied: “The wisest choice would be the one who would win. No sense running Mona Lisa in a beauty contest. I’d be for the most right, viable candidate who could win. If you could convince me that Barry Goldwater could win, I’d vote for him.”  (And, apparently at least someone over at RedState.com has heard of this rule before.)

The Goldwater example is, in fact, instructive.  While Goldwater did garner the support of Buckley and National Review in the mid-1960s, the interesting story is how he was able to do so.  At the time, supporting Goldwater was a matter of controversy over at National Review.  William Rusher and Brent Bozell were among the first to support him.  On the other hand, James Burnham and Buckley’s sister, Priscilla, did not and warned against the consequences of supporting him.  But Goldwater eventually gained the support of both Buckley and Russell Kirk before the Republican Primary by initially agreeing with them to distance himself from members of the John Birch Society.  This agreement, however, did not last very long.  Carl T. Bogus explains:

“In the end - and to his undoing - it was Barry Goldwater who accommodated himself to the John Birch Society.  Some of his advisers begged him not to do it.  Nevertheless, when he accepted his party’s nomination for president in July 1964, Goldwater stood before the Republican National Convention and declared, ‘I would remind you that extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice.’  Cheers shook the Cow Palace in San Francisco.  Goldwater had to wait more than forty seconds before he could deliver the companion line: ‘And let me remind you also that moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue!’  The audience leaped to its feet.  Everyone understood that Goldwater had just said that the John Birch Society was okay by him.  Richard Nixon, who had introduced Goldwater, grabbed his wife Pat’s arm to keep her from rising with the crowd ...”

This was ultimately disappointing for the crowd at National Review.  Goldwater had disregarded the advice of both Buckley and Kirk, and this disregard contributed to his loss of the 1964 election.  Burnham’s warnings about Goldwater had ultimately proved to be correct. Reflecting on this later, Buckley wrote bemusedly that “Goldwater had learned too late the lesson that one must guard against any use of a word which, for many, amounted to a call to immoral ends ... It was so in 1964 with the word ‘extremism.’  It could not be hygienically used in any affirmative context.”

Also, when asked, during another conversation about Goldwater, about which “failures of the conservative movement in the past ten to twenty years” most distressed him, Buckley answered that he understood the conservative argument against voting for Goldwater.  However: “In any case, that was not by any means my idea of the great disappointment of the sixties.  That was the failure, on the whole, to verbalize more broadly, more convincingly, the conservative view of things.  The conservative critique has been very well made, but it hasn’t got through with sufficient force to the opinion makers.  It is still hard as hell to find a young conservative with writing talent.  That distresses me deeply.”

In other words, according to Buckley, the conservative failure that the entire Goldwater episode demonstrated was one a failure of persuasion.  Poor conservative persuasive skill is a direct result of ignoring practical considerations.  Lack of self-restraint and associating oneself with extreme points of view detracts from one’s persuasive power.  These are the considerations that Mr. Erickson completely misses.  These same strategic considerations regarding candidates who cannot persuasively articulate the conservative position also equally apply to the tactics used by elected conservatives members of government.  This is one of Lowry & Ponnuru’s most convincing critiques of the recent government shutdown:

“The defunding campaign was the legislative equivalent of the hopelessly ill-suited candidate — and, like many of those candidates, it drew support from people who see politics primarily in terms of purity, confrontation, and willpower. The contrast to the Democrats’ behavior in 2009 and 2010 is instructive. They were willing to muscle through a health-care bill even though the public opposed it, and even though some of them realized it would cost them seats. Republicans should have a similar commitment to better causes. But they should also note that Democrats used this maneuver only when they had the votes — large majorities in both houses of Congress, control of the White House — to pull it off. They did not take a large political risk while having no plausible way to gain a policy victory to show for the potential costs.”

But Erickson dismisses National Review’s point here with contempt: “Now, instead of standing athwart history yelling stop, National Review spends 3,591 words to tell conservatives to stop fighting until they win ... I await the well-fed editors apologizing for the Goldwater candidacy. At this point, it is only a matter of time.”  Making cheap shots like this ignores the lessons that conservatives learned from the Goldwater candidacy.  For our purposes, the whole point is that the Goldwater campaign went off the rails, turning towards precisely the type of uncompromising rhetoric that Erickson supports.

“The truth,” argues Erickson, “is that Obamacare is deeply destructive and an assault on individual liberty. It should be fought by all means, with or without a Senate majority or White House. The fight should not depend on electoral outcomes and should not be delayed pending reinforcements, many of whom will flee the field once elected.”  But that’s just the problem, who wins the fight does depend on electoral outcomes.  The reality is that conservatives have to return back to convincing the public of their positions or they will never advance any further conservative objectives.  But Erickson doesn’t care:

“The present editors of National Review, over the last several years, have made it clearer and clearer that they now speak mostly for the well-fed right and not for conservatives hungering for a fight against the leviathan. They have made their peace with the New Deal ...”  But hungering for a fight isn’t enough.  Mere opposition, without even the a minimal plan for success, will never reverse anything.  Drawing a proper distinction between fighting now and living to fight another day is not making peace with the philosophical consequences of the New Deal.

Erickson’s contempt contrasts sharply with National Review’s respect for the more energetic elements with in the Tea Party movement.  Lowry & Ponnuru are happy to point out that the “groups that pushed defunding play an important role in galvanizing grassroots sentiment. The insistence on conservative rigor can exercise a welcome influence in fights like the one over the farm bill, in which inertia and self-serving Republican politics are at their worst and many of the same groups that supported defunding urged a better, more reformist course. Their willingness to go out and fight is indispensable.”  And yet, a willingness for a fight alone isn’t enough.  Effective politics means picking and choosing your battles.  Some fights are unrealistic in a government specifically designed so as not to be shaped by sheer brute power.

So how exactly is it that have we stopped caring about reality?

“Conservative groups that have internalized the apocalyptic view of politics believe the most effective model for gaining ground is simply pressuring Republicans to be more confrontational. The first step of the defunding strategy was not to persuade most Republicans that it was a good idea; it was to force them to go along with it whether or not they agreed. So the defunders prevented the majority of House Republicans, who disagreed, from being able to follow a different approach, and threatened to run primary opponents against some of them. Then they began to insist that Republicans who remained critical were dishonorably breaking the party’s (coerced) unity.”

In fact, there is a whole other story here about how Ted Cruz and Rand Paul pushed past the more realistic options for working out real compromise that other conservatives like Paul Ryan were negotiating for.  Instead, when Republican leadership caved and stumbled, Paul Ryan was ignored and the “defunders thus filled a vacuum — but filled it badly. And they did not supply what the leaders most woefully lacked. Neither group has promoted a free-market health-care plan of the kind that would have to be part of any plausible strategy to replace Obamacare.”

The editors of National Review are, in fact, pleading here against despair.  The leaders that produced the government shutdown are implicitly acting, for all intents and purposes, as if winning elections are now beyond hope.  Rushing to make stands against the inevitable without waiting for the right moment;  insisting on votes before they have the opportunity to collect the necessary majority; demanding that the other side give in when the other side obviously can tell  that you are bluffing ... all these maneuvers are the tactics of a mind-set that has given up on winning elections and persuading the electorate.

Consequently:

“There is no alternative to seeking to expand the conservative base beyond its present inadequate numbers and to win the votes of people who aren’t yet conservatives or are not yet conservatives on all issues. The defunders often said that those who predicted their failure were ‘defeatists.’ Yet it is they who have given in to despair. They are the ones who entertain the ideas that everything has gotten worse; that the last few decades of conservative thought and action have been for nothing; that engagement in politics as traditionally conceived is hopeless; that government programs, once begun, must corrupt the citizenry so that they can never be ended or reformed; that the country will soon be past the point of regeneration, if it is not there already.”

The only way that conservatives will enact legislation to reform health care, to reform the budget, to put in place a reasonable plan to decrease the debt, and to stop the incredible recent exponential growth of government spending, will be to put such legislation up to a vote.  Need we really explain this any further?  (To win a vote, you submit your legislation to a vote after you have collected enough votes to win.  Refusing to do anything as blackmail in order to force the other side to give in accomplishes nothing.  The refusing-to-do-anything-strategy has historically helped one political party to enact exactly no legislative reform whatsoever.)

Scott Johnson wrote that “Erickson’s response illustrates one of the phenomena that Lowry and Ponnuru decry in Cruz’s leadership.”  It almost appears as if Erickson doesn’t care if the conservatives win.  If the point is to find a public spotlight in which to demonstrate one’s ideological purity, then Ted Cruz and the defunders’ strategy was successful.  If the point is to eventually change Obamacare and/or replace it with a plan that is at least somewhat designed to account for Economic 101, then Erickson is not helping.

Not only is he not helping, but, considering the press coverage Erickson has been able to attract, he might as well be working against conservatives.  The news of the last week has been of the “house divided against itself cannot stand” variety.  MSNBC was happy to report that the “ideological civil war inside the Republican Party is well underway.”  Jonathan S. Tobin, at Commentary Magazine, enthusiastically explains that: “Those parachuting into this debate from the outside will struggle mightily to see what the two sides disagree about in terms of principles or policies and will discover little evidence of any actual split on anything of importance. All participants oppose President Obama’s policies and ObamaCare. They’d like to see the president replaced by a conservative at the next presidential election and ObamaCare to be repealed. But that unity of purpose isn’t enough to prevent what is starting to take on the appearance of an all-out civil war within the ranks of the conservative movement.”

This is not what conservatives need right now, but Tobin may not be that far off from the truth.  If enough conservatives are not paying attention, they will allow electable candidates to be replaced by mere core-base-pleasing unelectable candidates.  The Democrats will then increase their majority in the Senate and even threaten a considerable number of seats in the House.

“It’s too soon to know for sure, but right now I’m starting to think that those inclined to pooh-pooh the chances for a genuine split are wrong. If that portion of the conservative base listens to Cruz and Erickson they are going to spend much of the next year trying to exact revenge on the senator’s critics. And if that means helping to knock off genuine conservatives like McConnell who will almost certainly be replaced in the Senate not by more Cruz clones but by liberal Democrats, they think it’s no great loss because such people are more interested in purifying the GOP than in beating the Democrats ... This drama will be played out in many states next year in the midterm elections, but it will come to a head in 2016 when a single formidable moderate conservative may possibly be opposed by a split field of right-wingers in the race for the GOP presidential nomination.”

Wednesday, August 28, 2013

Sleaze, Dreck, Distraction and Yellow Journalism

These are the ills the teeming Press supplies,
The pois'nous springs from learning's fountain rise;
Not there the wise alone their entrance find,
Imparting useful light to mortals blind;
But, blind themselves, these erring guides hold out
Alluring lights to lead us far about;
Screen'd by such means, here Scandal whets her quill,
Here Slander shoots unseen, whene'er she will;
Here Fraud and Falsehood labour to deceive,
And Folly aids them both, impatient to believe ...
To these a thousand idle themes succeed,
Deeds of all kinds, and comments to each deed ...

- George Crabbe, 1785

Picture magazines and tabloid newspapers place before the millions scenes and facts which violate every definition of humanity ... The rise of sensational journalism everywhere testified to man's loss of points of reference, to his determination to enjoy the forbidden in the name of freedom.  All reserve is being sacrified to titillation.  The extremes of passion and suffering are served to enliven the breakfast table or to lighten the boredom of an evening at home.
- Richard Weaver, 1948

I should go so far as to say that embedded in the surrealistic frame of a television news show is a theory of anticommunication, featuring a type of discourse that abandons logic, reason, sequence and rules of contradiction. In aesthetics, I believe the name given to this theory is Dadaism; in philosophy, nihilism; in psychiatry; schizophrenia. In the parlance of the theater, it is known as vaudeville.
 - Neil Postman, 1985
___________________________________________________________________________________________________

Whoever it was who said that “a news story should be like a mini skirt on a pretty woman; long enough to cover the subject but short enough to be interesting” was adept at humor but unaccomplished in the art of the analogy.  The presumption that the length of a story can, in and of itself, make the story uninteresting simply isn’t true.  Unlike the mini skirt, whose charm lies directly in proportion to what it does and does not reveal, the good news story can very often reveal far more by not reducing itself to mere bite-sized banality.

Unfortunately, the reason this analogy with women’s clothing came to mind is because, early yesterday morning, I was attempting to read news coverage of the possibility that the United States may take military action in Syria.  It appears that the government of Syria just used chemical weapons to kill hundreds of its own people (hurting thousands of others).  Now, when you are leading the world’s greatest military superpower, whether you like it or not, you have certain de facto responsibilities.  If you hold this responsibility, then you ought to draw a few lines about what is and what is not tolerated.  And this is precisely what the United States has done.  As a matter of Foreign Policy and International Law, we have drawn lines - and one such line is against the use of chemical weapons.  If there are no consequences when a line like this is crossed, then we lose our ability to effect a principled leadership around the world.  Such international influence derives, partly, from the absence of empty talk and transparent bluffing.

So now our government is considering military action in Syria.

Regardless of whether you agree or disagree with whether we ought to act, all of us can agree that doing so is an inherently risky proposition.  Given the instability of the region, given that there are countries like Iran who are always seeking an excuse to fight back against perceived Western encroachment by, oh say,  attacking Israel, given that Israel has repeatedly warned that they will use nuclear weapons to defend themselves, given Russia’s friendly relations with Iran, given that Assad’s regime does actually hold back more fanatical Muslim military elements as well as Al-Qaeda, given that Assad’s military possesses chemical weapons, given that weakening Assad’s military could potentially subject said chemical weapons to the changing of hands, given that Al-Qaeda would use all chemical weapons they could get their hands on, given that bombing chemical weapon stores could kill more civilians than Assad has already killed, given that any American military intervention in the Middle East always risks war on a global scale ... this is a deadly and serious matter.

So as I was browsing through news headlines about Syria on Google’s news feed, I chose one from The Huffington Post entitled, “Obama’s War of Choice in Syria Isn’t Defensive or Humanitarian,” by a Mr. John Glaser.  I did this early yesterday morning (which, for future reference, was on August 27th, 2013) at the time during which our government was preparing and considering whether to act.  The Huffington Post is a liberally slanted news source.  Indeed, Mr. Glaser’s anti-war article on the possibility of military action in Syria is from a liberal point of view.  But it is generally helpful to read news from both conservative and liberal points of view and, besides, over the years I have found the writers at The Huffington Post to be somewhat more educated and less hysterical than the reporters that you’d find over at CNN or MSNBC.

Wikipedia introduces and describes The Huffington Post as follows:

The Huffington Post is an online news aggregator and blog founded by Arianna Huffington, Kenneth Lerer, Andrew Breitbart, and Jonah Peretti, featuring columnists.  The site offers news, blogs, and original content and covers politics, business, entertainment, environment, technology, popular media, lifestyle, culture, comedy, healthy living, women’s interests, and local news.  The Huffington Post was launched on May 9, 2005, as a liberal/left commentary outlet and alternative to news aggregators such as the Drudge Report ... In July 2012, The Huffington Post was ranked #1 on the 15 Most Popular Political Sites list by eBizMBA Rank, which bases its list on each site’s Alexa Global Traffic Rank and U.S. Traffic Rank from both Compete and Quantcast.

But, upon beginning to read Mr. Glaser's column, I confess that I was distracted.

I did not, in fact, actually read through and finish his respectable, reasoned, and somewhat mistaken column until hours later.  Now granted, I was also distracted by the thoughts that produced this essay, but let’s consider the facts.  First of all, poor Mr. Glaser has been shoved over to the left hand side of the webpage upon which his written text only fills less than two-thirds of the space.  Intruding upon and, specifically designed to contrast with, the written text are twenty good sized full color photographs drawing the eye of the reader with links underneath them virtually shouting the following stories:

“Miley Cyrus Bleeped by MTV,”
“Billy Ray Cyrus Reacts to Miley’s VMAs Performance,”
“Lady Gaga Gets VMA ‘Applause’,”
“NYSNC Reportedly ‘Upset’ with Justin Timberlake,”
“Taylor Swift Tells Harry Styles: ‘STFU’,”
“Lamar Odom Reportedly Missing, Abusing Drugs,”
“Rihanna’s Priceless Reation To Spilling Popcorn,”
“Jessica Biel Shows Lots O’Skin In See-Through Dress,”
“PHOTOS: Check Out VMAs Red Carpet Fashion From The 2013 Show,”
“Study Reveals Terrifying Side-Effect Of Cocaine - After Just One Use,”
“Lady Gaga’s Butt Make Full Appearance [sic] At VMAs”
and
“Katy Perry Performs ‘Roar’ For The First Time.”

Then, by the time you have scrolled through the right-hand photos, there is, under Mr. Glaser's column with the heading, “You May Like,” six more links, with accompanying color photographs, to the following:

“Dads React To Miley Cyrus’ VMA Performance,”
“Rihanna, One Direction Not Impressed With Miley Cyrus’ VMA Performance,”
“Mayim Bialik’s Condition After Severe Car Accident,”
“Stunning Pictures of Kate Middleton,”
“The Sneakiest Way to Make a Fortune,”
“5 Questions That Will Not Get You Hired.”

In summary, not counting the photo above Mr. Glaser’s column of what appears to be a rebel armed with an RPG, there were 26 large color photos surrounding the text with accompanying links.  We can also predictably tabulate them as follows:
- number of photos/links concerning pop celebrities (including “Stunning Pictures of Kate Middleton”): 21 of 26
- number of photos/links concerning either the body parts or lack of clothing of women: 12 of 26
- number of photos/links concerning Miley Cyrus taking her clothes off: 7 of 26
- number of photos/links having anything to do Syria: 0 of 26
- number of photos/links having anything, anything at all remotely to do with politics: 0 of 26
- number of photos actually displaying undressed women alongside Mr. Glaser’s column: 6 of 26

The Huffington Post is allegedly a political news website.  They are supposedly serious about their discussion of the news.  Now sure, they also do have an Entertainment section, where one can currently read delightful news stories like “Shailene Woodley’s Adorable On-Set Selfie,” “Jared Leto Blasts MTV,” “The Top 10 Worst Video Music Awards Outfits of All Time” and “Inside Corey Feldman’s Sex Party.”  Whatever the hell “Entertainment News” is, that is apparently ... it.  But I hadn't opened up the Entertainment section.  I was trying to read political and international news, which is what I thought The Huffington Post was for.

Perhaps, I reasoned, this was just a momentary lapse or glitch, and somehow all the popular pop celebrity obsessed links and photos were not usually intruding into the space of a political columnist’s text.  Further investigation revealed the lapse/glitch theory to be too much to be hoped for.  The same popular links and photos were next to every single political article on the website.  Given the importance of the news about Syria, I tried The Huffington Post’s front page.  On the front page was the headline, “France ‘Ready To Punish’ Syria” with other related news links below it.


Directly below that was a large collection of discordant and jarringly mismatched news links and photos along the lines of “WATCH: Mika Rages Against MTV AGAIN,” “Why Sharon Stone Is Urging Younger Actresses To Get Naked,” “What Robin Thicke’s Wife Thought About Miley,” “Syria Vows To Defend Itself Using ‘All Means Available’,” “Kourtney Kardashian Half-Naked In New Instagram Photo,” “WATCH: Journalist Goes Topless During Interview With Mayor” and quite a few others of similar absurdity.  All these stories were all together.  All of them were on the single front page of The Huffington Post’s website.  This is the political news website of a nationally and widely read American news source.


This sort of thing brings up bad memories.  As a member of the United States Army Reserves, I served a year’s tour of duty in Iraq from 2006 to 2007.  I was there in country when Saddam Hussein was executed.  I was essentially a part of General David Petraeus’s troop surge which led to one of the deadliest months in Iraq since earlier in 2004.  There was much to be concerned about in global and national affairs.  At that time, Israel was fighting with Hezbollah in Lebanon.  North Korea had just detonated its first nuclear bomb.  General John Abizaid was warning the world that the escalating violence in Iraq might cause a civil war.  The Taliban made an assassination attempt on the president of Pakistan.  We had heard rumors through our command that British intelligence had just stopped another terrorist attack designed to use liquid explosives in commercial international airlines.

When I was in Iraq, there was also cause to be concerned about back home.  The housing bubble had burst.  Defaults on subprime mortgages were on the rise (up 93% from just a year before).  New Century Financial had already filed for bankruptcy.  The Virginia Tech shooting happened.  And my childhood baseball hero, Barry Bonds, was being indicted unjustly (I still believe) for perjury about his using steriods.

No Longer News

When you are in the middle of an overseas deployment, one of the things you greatly and deeply desire is news from back home.  We didn’t always have time to sit around watching the news, so any glimpse (in between missions or in the chow hall) of news about life back in America was dearly treasured.  I still remember being able to have precious time to spend watching CNN or FoxNews.  And I still remember the bitter disappointment we all continually felt whenever we saw what the news anchors were spending most of their time reporting.  I still remember because I began to write down a list of the news stories I was given by American popular news media in between my missions.  Thus, while I served my tour of duty in Iraq, I learned that:

(1) there was now this new something called a smartphone or an “iPhone.”
(2) Britney Spears shaved her head
(3) other pop celebrities had opinions about how Britney Spears's shaved head made them feel
(4) Lindsey Lohan was sometimes not sober
(5) Lindsey Lohan was arrested for a DUI and drug possession
(6) Lindsey Lohan went to rehab
(7) other pop celebrities had opinions about how Lindsey Lohan made them feel
(8) Paris Hilton, at approximately the same time, released a new album and went to prison
(9) Madonna adopted a kid from Malawi
(10) Brad Pitt & Angelina Jolie had a baby
(11) Tom Cruse & Katie Holmes were married in some kind of Scientology ceremony
(12) there were now photographs on the internet of a naked Vanessa Hudgins
(13) Paul McCartney broke up with his one-legged wife
(14) Dora the Explorer toys made in China were being recalled

Those are the major news stories I remember seeing talked about interminably on major national news networks playing in the chow halls of U.S. Army bases up and down Iraq from 2006-2007.  This was the dreck mass media was giving to our fighting men and women overseas hungry for news of back home.

I suppose that none of us should be surprised by now.  It’s not like pop celebrity news media is anything new.  I haven’t yet really helped you, the reader, to learn anything new.  All the way back in 1888, Matthew Arnold wrote: “If one were searching for the best means to efface and kill in a whole nation the discipline of self-respect, the feeling for what is elevated, he could do no better than take the American newspapers.”  “The sensations purveyed by the press,” wrote Richard M. Weaver in 1948, “are admittedly for the demos, which is careless of understanding but avid of thrills.”  “Notice, too,” wrote Bernard Iddings Bell in 1952, “how brazenly the press violates proper rights to privacy, even in cases of deep sorrow or pitiable weakness; how it encourages its readers to be Peter Prys and Peeping Toms.  See especially how it vulgarizes the nobilities inherent in marriage, in birth, in death.”

“Pitiable weakness” might just describe the embarrassment of a 20-year-old girl who, for no other reason than that she has been raised from since the time she was a little girl inside the world of television and public display, just made a display of undressing herself.  But such a thing is not, anymore in our mass media world, properly speaking, a news story.  It is not a news story, that is, until a celebrity and sex obsessed media salivates over her and sensationalizes her performance and all and any hostile reactions to it.  “And so,” wrote Neil Postman in 1985, “we move rapidly into an information environment which may rightly be called trivial pursuit.  As the game of that name uses facts as a source of amusement, so does our sources of news.”  Looking at all the links and headlines trying to attract the attention of the reader’s eye over at The Huffington Post, trivial is just the right word to describe them.  “We do not,” declared Chris Hedges in 2009, “learn more about Barack Obama by knowing what dog he has brought home for his daughters or if he still smokes.  Such personalized trivia, passed off as news, divert us from reality.”

The rise of sensationalist trivial and banal news media was thus predicted by thinkers watching the spirit of the age.  As industrialization grew, conservative romantics like Samuel Taylor Coleridge were able to predict what would happen to journalism as it became increasingly subject only to popular mass consumer demand.  In A Lay Sermon in 1817, Coleridge wrote:

“Every work which can be made use of either to immediate profit or immediate pleasure, every work which falls in with the desire of acquiring wealth suddenly, of which can gratify the senses, or pamper the still more degrading appetite for scandal and personal defamation, is sure of an appropriate circulation.”

Coleridge here describes everything the world of MTV stands for.  We are still in the process of losing our virtues.  One of the old conservative intellects of what is now a former age, Richard M. Weaver, in his book, Ideas Have Consequences, commented upon the growing cultural trends that we are now experiencing in full grown form today.  One of the virtues lost in today’s mass media was called propriety, an idea that many would now laugh at.  Weaver wrote:

“Propriety, like other old-fashioned anchorages, was abandoned because it inhibited something.  Proud of its shamelessness, the new journalism served up in swaggering style matter which heretofore had been veiled in decent taciturnity.” (pg. 28.)

Increased Fragmentation of Thinking (or Mass Schizophrenia)

What does it mean to lose the virtue of propriety?  One of the consequences is that, according to Weaver, “we are made to grow accustomed to the weirdest of juxtapositions: the serious and the trivial, the comic and the tragic, follow one another in mechanical sequence without real transition.”  (pg. 102.)  Of course, Weaver was thinking only of radio and newspapers in 1948.  Neil Postman, in his 1985 book, Amusing Ourselves to Death: Public Discourse in the Age of Show Business, was able to consider the problem in the age of television.

Postman titled the seventh chapter of the book, “Now ... This,” and explained how news on the television is reported in a massed jumble with no sense for the propriety of what stories are reported upon as a matter of priority or of order.  Postman writes:

“The American humorist H. Allen Smith once suggested that of all the worrisome words in the English language, the scariest is ‘uh oh,’ as when a physician looks at your X-rays, and with knitted brow says, ‘Uh oh.’ I should like to suggest that the words which are the title of this chapter are as ominous as any, all the more so because they are spoken with knitted brow - indeed, with a kind of idiot's delight. The phrase, if that’s what it may be called, adds to our grammar a new part of speech, a conjunction that does not connect anything to anything but does the opposite: separates everything from everything. As such, it serves as a compact metaphor for the discontinuities in so much that passes for public discourse in present-day America. ‘Now ... this’ is commonly used on radio and television newscasts to indicate that what one has just heard or seen has no relevance to what one is about to hear or see, or possibly to anything one is ever likely to hear or see. The phrase is a means of acknowledging the fact that the world as mapped by the speeded-up electronic media has no order or meaning and is not to be taken seriously. There is no murder so brutal, no earthquake so devastating, no political blunder so costly - for that matter, no ball score so tantalizing or weather report so threatening - that it cannot be erased from our minds by a newscaster saying, ‘Now ... this.’ The newscaster means that you have thought long enough on the previous matter (approximately forty-five seconds), that you must not be morbidly preoccupied with it (let us say, for ninety seconds), and that you must now give your attention to another fragment of news or a commercial.” (pgs. 99-100.)

This still describes the reporting over at CNN or at Fox News.  It also describes the placement of story photos and links on online news journals and websites.  This is the reduction of news into entertainment.  The news webpage is glutted with dozens of headlines and photographs all begging for the attention of the reader.  Click on any one of them and one arrives at another page with exactly the same distractions as before.  When the headline “Syria Vows to Defend Itself Using ‘All Means Available’” is placed right alongside the headline “Kourtney Kardashian Half-Naked In New Instagram Photo,” any sense of importance or value to one story over any other story is diminished.  Most of these stories will, at best, fill a quarter of the webpage with actual text.  The rest is full of other links and attractions and, at least in the case of The Huffington Post yesterday, pictures of undressed women.

Postman continues:

“This perception of a news show as a stylized dramatic performance whose content has been staged largely to entertain is reinforced by several other features, including the fact that the average length of any story is forty-five seconds.  While brevity does not always suggest triviality, in this case it clearly does.  It is simply not possible to convey a sense of seriousness about any event if its implications are exhausted in less than one minute’s time.  In fact, it is quite obvious that TV news has no intention of suggesting that any story has any implications, for that would require viewers to continue to think about it when it is done and therefore obstruct their attending to the next story that waits panting in the wings.” (pg. 103.)

The Huffington Post is not alone in this sort of thing.  Yesterday morning, CNN displayed the headline on the front page of their wepage: “U.S: ‘We are ready to go, like that’” [sic] and “Hagel: U.S. forces are ready to move,” thus announcing the possibility of war.


Almost directly underneath this story block is, explicitly proclaiming both total mindless randomness and electronic devaluation of any story’s worth, the subheading “READ THIS, WATCH THAT” underneath which is a collection of photos and links to stories and videos.  Among these stories and videos on the front page of one of the largest news sources in the United States were “In the shower, photo subjects open up,” “Miley, what exactly were you thinking?,” “Giants punter’s abs ridiculously ripped” and “Baby goat does not like what’s in mirror.”

The banality here is so blatant that it is difficult to explain how this is problem.  How important, really, is the above story about the possibility of war when it is placed on CNN’s webpage right next to the below stories?  What does this do to our sense of reality, to our sense of the importance of one story over another, to our sensitivity to the real potential for evil and death in the world?  Neil Postman was very eloquent upon this phenomena in the case of television commercials:

“The viewers also know that no matter how grave any fragment of news may appear (for example, on the day I write a Marine Corps general has declared that nuclear war between the United States and Russia is inevitable), it will shortly be followed by a series of commercials that will, in an instant, defuse the import of the news, in fact render it largely banal.  This is a key element in the structure of a news program and all by itself refutes any claim that television news is designed as a serious form of public discourse.  Imagine what you would think of me, and this book, if I were to pause here, tell you that I will return to my discussion in a moment, and then proceed to write a few words in behalf of United Airlines or the Chase Manhattan Bank.  You would rightly think that I had no respect for you and, certainly, no respect for the subject.  And if I did this not once but several times in each chapter, you would think the whole enterprise unworthy of your attention.  Why, then, do we not think a news show similarly unworthy? ... We have become so accustomed to its discontinuities that we are no longer struck dumb, as any sane person would be, by a newscaster who having just reported that a nuclear war is inevitable goes on to say that he will be right back after this word from Burger King ...”  (pgs. 104-105.)

And Postman did not yet know about the placement of random internet ads, links, and videos.  One of Postman's modern intellectual heirs, Nicholas Carr, wrote a provocative book called The Shallows: What The Internet Is Doing To Our Brains.  Carr applies many of the insights of Postman to our use of the internet along with contemporary studies from neuroscience on the different types of thinking engaged in by the human brain.

The argument is that the design of a webpage affects how we read.  Thus the internet has changed the old newspaper forever.

“When the Net absorbs a medium,” argues Carr, “it re-creates that medium in its own image.  It not only dissolves the medium’s physical form; it injects the medium’s content with hyperlinks, breaks up the content into searchable chunks, and surrounds the content with the content of all the other media it has absorbed.  All these changes in the form of the content also change the way we use, experience, and even understand the content.”

Not surprised?  Or does the idea, that the medium of the online webpage changes the content of what used to be considered a news story, sound implausible?  Carr continues:

“A page of online text viewed through a computer screen may seem similar to a page of printed text.  But scrolling or clicking through a Web document involves physical actions and sensory stimuli very different from those involved in holding and turning the pages of a book or a magazine.  Research has shown that the cognitive act of reading draws not just on our sense of sight but also on our sense of touch.  It’s tactile as well as visual.  ‘All reading,’ writes Anne Mangen, a Norwegian literary studies professor, is ‘multi-sensory.’  There’s ‘a crucial link’ between ‘the sensory-motor experience of the materiality’ of a written work and ‘the cognitive processing of the text content.’  The shift from paper to screen doesn’t just change the way we navigate a piece of writing.  It also influences the degree of attention we devote to it and the depth of our immersion in it.

Hyperlinks also alter our experience of media.  Links are in one sense a variation on the textual allusions, citations, and footnotes that have long been common elements of documents.  But their effect on us as we read is not at all the same.  Links don’t just point us to related or supplemental works; they propel us toward them.  They encourage us to dip in and out of a series of texts rather than devote sustained attention to any one of them.  Hyperlinks are designed to grab out attention.  Their value as navigational tools is inextricable from the distraction they cause.”  (pg. 90.)

If you just pause to think about it, the idea that the materiality and the sensory experience of the thing that possesses the text that you read affects how you are able to read it is incredibly fascinating.  But here is another thing.  This is not an issue that should demand the taking of political sides.  Some day a literary neuroscientist is going to write a brilliant argument for why reading the text in a book is far superior to reading the text of a webpage.  But the distraction and fragmentation of our news media is not the only problem.  This is not just some innocent matter of personal taste or mere entertainment.  There are moral dimensions to reporting on certain stories as well.  To make the decision to report on “a story” is not value-neutral.

Deciding to report on a story is a moral choice and anyone who does the reporting is responsible for that choice.

Deciding to consume a news source is also a moral choice and anyone who patronizes a news source is responsible for that choice.

The Problem of Yellow Journalism

Lauren Moraski for CBS News reports: “This was one performance that won’t be forgotten very quickly.”  Au contraire, Ms. Moraski.  Thankfully, a majority of Americans do not watch MTV’s awards shows.  We have not seen this performance you are so excitedly telling us about, nor do we plan on seeing your videos of it.  “Cyrus, 20, gave Robin Thicke, 36, a lap dance, paraded around with dancing bears, twerked her butt off and grabbed her crotch a few times.  Not to mention the tongue.  We saw a lot of that.  Thicke’s mother, Gloria Loring, told OMG! Insider, ‘I don’t understand what Miley Cyrus is trying to do ...’” It should be obvious, shouldn’t it?  Ms. Cyrus is seeking mass media attention and she apparently understands the news media accurately enough to know exactly how to get them to obsess over her.  They have now proved her right.

Chiderah Monde of the New York Daily News is excited to report, on a webpage replete with a large number of full body photographs of the undressed Ms. Cyrus, that “Twitter erupted with comments after the performance and even set a new bar.  ‘Miley Cyrus and Robin Thicke perform’ brought in more than 300,000 tweets per minute, according to date gathered by the social network.”  One is still unsure how this is supposed to be news.  Those of us who have no reason to use Twitter remain unsurprised that MTV awards watchers are precisely the same people who use Twitter.  That those who always tweet are going to be in the habit of setting tweeting records is as uninteresting and as obvious as the information that those who always report on pop celebrity are going to be in the habit of setting pop celebrity reporting records.  The New York Daily News is also happy to inform us that while most “comments suggested Cyrus went too far,” the recipient of the lap dance, “Thicke, her grinding partner, didn’t see anything wrong with it.  ‘That was dope,” he tweeted afterward.”  Yes, that’s right.  We now live in a world where comments about the comments about a non-news story is now a news story.

Ann Oldenburg, of USA Today, will not let this rest.  In the story entitled “Miley Cyrus moves on with new racy photos: She’s showing her backside again,” Ms. Oldenburg is pleased to report that “While talking heads are still busy clucking about Miley Cyrus’ wild MTV Video Music Awards performance of Sunday night, the star is moving on.”  Now USA Today tells us that Ms. Cyrus is “tweeting new photos of herself in provocative poses, all showing her backside.”  But just in case we wanted to know, USA Today begins to describe the aforesaid tweeted photos: “First Miley is seen squatting in a red, white and black Michael Jordan Chicago Bulls shorts and bikini bra top.  She then followed it up with the shot of herself in a locker room, sporting a thong over white bike pants and the red top ...”  Just in case we wanted to see them.  USA Today includes a photo gallery with the news story, displaying all of Ms. Cyrus’s new photos for the perusal of any lascivious eye.

I could continue like this, looking at the coverage that almost every major online news source gave to Ms. Cyrus’s striptease, but those three paragraphs is already too much.  (Although, I also refuse to let Fox News off the hook either.  They self-righteously reported on this too with a play by play of the performance.)  This may now be the point where the angry blogger is supposed to launch into his long-winded rant against the scum currently running the news media and MTV.  But I’m not going to do that.  I don’t need to because I wouldn’t have anything original to say.  This is an old problem, not a new one.  This is merely yet another example of cheap populism, easy sensationalism and lurid entertainment combined into something that was named “Yellow Journalism” by E.L. Godkin in the late 1800s.  Today we just have electronic media to ramp it up.  Add a sex-obsessed culture and the objectification of women and the modern day pop celebrity worship and you’ve got MTV.  The facts are the facts.  Salacious images attract more viewers to any news website more than mere written text will.  This has affected who we are as a people.